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Cooper 1989a, the odyssey homework help p. 109.  Why this might be true is open to interpretation. The fact that more meaningful outcomes are hard to quantify does not make test scores or grades any more valid, reliable, or useful as measures. To that extent, students cannot really demonstrate what they know or what they can do with what they know. When individual students’ scores on the English A-level exams were examined, those who worked for more than seven hours a week in a particular subject “tended to get a third of a grade better than students of the same gender and ability who worked less than [two hours] a week, and if students with similar prior achievement are considered, the advantage only amounted to about a fifth of a grade.”  When the researchers compared classes rather than individuals – which is probably the more appropriate unit of analysis for a homework study — the average A-level grades in heavy-homework classes were no different than those in light-homework classes, once other variables were held constant (pp. But when all these observations are combined with the surprising results of national and international exams, and when these, in turn, are viewed in the context of a research literature that makes a weak, correlational case for homework in high school – and offers absolutely no support for homework in elementary school – it gradually becomes clear that we’ve been sold a bill of goods. Another possible reason that “elementary achievement is high” in Japan:  teachers there “are free from the pressure to teach to standardized tests” (Lewis, p. MyOpenMath.com for students wanting to learn the material on their own, or who need a refresher. Fourth graders who did no homework got roughly the same score as those who did 30 minutes a night. Remember that Cooper and his colleagues found a positive effect only when they looked at how much homework high school students actually did (as opposed to how much the teacher assigned) and only when achievement was measured by the grades given to them by those same teachers. What’s more, this association has been documented at the elementary, middle, and high school level. Reviews of homework studies tend to overlook investigations that are primarily focused on other topics but just happen to look at homework, among several other variables. The absence of evidence supporting the value of homework before high school is generally acknowledged by experts in the field – even those who are far less critical of the research literature (and less troubled by the negative effects of homework) than I am. The same sort of discrepancy shows up again in cross-cultural research — parents and children provide very different accounts of how much help kids receive[20] — and also when students and teachers are asked to estimate how much homework was assigned.[21]  It’s not clear which source is most accurate, by the way – or, indeed, whether any of them is entirely reliable. Are better teachers more apt to question the conventional wisdom in general? The outcome measure, in other words, is precisely aligned to the homework that some students did and others didn’t do — or that they did in varying amounts. These anecdotal reports have been corroborated by research that finds a statistically significant positive relationship between a shallow or superficial approach to learning, on the one hand, and high scores on various standardized tests, on the other. But many of these studies depend on students to tell us how much homework they get (or complete). No wonder “many Japanese elementary schools in the late 1990s issued ‘no homework’ policies.”[39]  That development may strike us as surprising – particularly in light of how Japan’s educational system has long been held out as a model, notably by writers trying to justify their support for homework.[40]  But it’s a development that seems entirely rational in light of what the evidence shows right here in the United States. Homework is an obvious burden to students, but assigning, collecting, grading, and recording homework creates a tremendous amount of work for me as well. Conclusion:  Premise 1 explains Premise 2. If the raw correlation between achievement (test scores or grades) and time spent on homework in Cooper’s initial research review is “nearly nonexistent” for grades 3 through 5, it remains extremely low for grades 6 through 9.

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Taken as a whole, the available research might be summarized as inconclusive. A no-homework policy is a challenge to me,” he adds. Or that a complete absence of homework would have any detrimental effect at all. What exactly is this entity called achievement that’s said to go up or down? Cooper 1999a, 2001.   The proportion of variance that can be attributed to homework is derived by squaring the average correlation found in the studies, which Cooper reports as +.19. That’s true, first, because, at least on the science test, the scores among most of the countries are actually pretty similar in absolute terms (Gibbs and Fox, p. This is known as a “curvilinear” relationship; on a graph it looks sort of like an upside-down U. Such a correlation would be a prerequisite for assuming that homework provides academic benefits but I want to repeat that it isn’t enough to justify that conclusion. Most researchers, like most reporters who write about education, talk about how this or that policy affects student “achievement” without questioning whether the way that word is defined in the studies makes any sense. The first was a college student’s term paper that described an experiment with 39 second graders in one school. Purely because they’re standardized, these tests are widely regarded as objective instruments for assessing children’s academic performance. In some countries more time spent on homework was associated with higher scores; in others, it was not.”[43]  In the 1990s, the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) became the most popular way of assessing what was going on around the world, although of course its conclusions can’t necessarily be generalized to other subjects. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 United States License. This analysis rings true for Steve Phelps, who teaches math at a high school near Cincinnati. The absence of supporting data actually makes sense in retrospect, as we’ll see in chapter 6 when we examine the idea that homework “reinforces” what was learned in class, along with other declarations that are too readily accepted on faith. Homework studies confuse grades and test scores with learning. More responsive to its negative effects on children and families? About 70 percent of these found that homework was associated with higher achievement. At the beginning of Lyons’s teaching career, he assigned a lot of homework “as a crutch, to compensate for poor lessons. Please write to the address indicated on the Contact Us page.

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AP Economics test.  The empirical data from my class combined with studies I’ve read convinced me. As far as I can tell, no data on how 2004 NAEP math scores varied by homework completion have been published for nine- and thirteen-year-olds. At best, most homework studies show only an association, not a causal relationship. Cooper 1999a, p. 100.  It’s also theoretically possible that the relationship is reciprocal:  Homework contributes to higher achievement, which then, in turn, predisposes those students to spend more time on it. Cool and Keith.  Interestingly, purchase college admissions essay Herbert Walberg, an avid proponent of homework, discovered that claims of private school superiority over public schools proved similarly groundless once other variables were controlled in a reanalysis of the same “High School and Beyond” data set (Walberg and Shanahan). In 2000, help me answer my algebra homework fourth graders who reported doing more than an hour of homework a night got exactly same score as those whose teachers assigned no homework at all. In 2004, those who weren’t assigned any homework did about as well as those who got either less than one hour or one to two hours; students who were assigned more than two hours a night did worse than any of the other three groups. The literature reviews done over the past 60 years . One found that homework helped, two found that it didn’t, and two found mixed results.[4]  Yet another review was published a few years later, this one of eight articles and seven dissertations that had appeared from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s. Again, the results were not the same in all countries, even when the focus was limited to the final years of high school (where the contribution of homework is thought to be strongest). Statistical principles don’t get much more basic than “correlation doesn’t prove causation.”  The number of umbrellas brought to a workplace on a given morning will be highly correlated with the probability of precipitation in the afternoon, but the presence of umbrellas didn’t make it rain. There is no evidence of any academic benefit from homework in elementary school. Several surveys have found that students consistently report their homework time to be higher than teachers’ estimates” (Ziegler 1986, p. Cooper and his colleagues published a review of newer studies in 2006. Thus, there were eight separate results to be reported. The use of purely statistical measures of effect size” – overlooking what he calls the “psychological size of effects” – “promotes a[n] illusion of comparability and quantitative precision that is subtly but deeply at odds with the values that define what makes a study or a finding interesting or important.”  This concern would seem to apply in the case of distinctive investigations of homework. Do we really know how much homework kids do? All three of these experiments found exactly what you would expect:  The kids who had drilled on the material – a process that happened to take place at home — did better on their respective class tests. Indeed, it’s hard to imagine what that evidence might look like – beyond repeated findings that homework often isn’t even associated with higher achievement. But TIMSS results really don’t support the proposition that our seniors are inferior.

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The studies he reviewed lasted anywhere from two to thirty weeks. For any number of reasons, one might expect to find a reasonably strong association between time spent on homework and test scores. This New Jersey principal is quoted in Winerip, p. But a funny thing happened ten years later when he and a colleague looked at homework alongside other possible influences on learning such as quality of instruction, motivation, and which classes the students took. Cooper 1999a, p. 72.  That difference shrank in the latest batch of studies (Cooper et al. Most proponents, of course, aren’t saying that all homework is always good in all respects for all kids – just as critics couldn’t defend the proposition that no homework is ever good in any way for any child. If there’s any reason to doubt that claim, then we’d have to revisit some of our more fundamental assumptions about how and why students learn. It turns out that what’s actually being measured – at least in all the homework research I’ve seen — is one of three things:  scores on tests designed by teachers, grades given by teachers, or scores on standardized exams. More precisely, there’s virtually no research at all on the impact of homework in the primary grades – and therefore no data to support its use with young children – whereas research has been done with students in the upper elementary grades and it generally fails to find any benefit. More likely to summon the gumption to act on what they’ve noticed?